Rifts within Kenya Kwanza expose a house on fire

What began as an alliance to dismantle Kenya’s entrenched political dynasties is now threatening to implode under the weight of unfulfilled promises, internal rivalries, and mounting public frustration.

President William Ruto’s Kenya Kwanza coalition is fracturing, torn apart by bitter infighting, unchecked political ambition, and disillusionment among its supporters.

From Cabinet meetings to county assemblies, the political temperature has risen sharply, with allies turning on each other and a growing number of Kenyans expressing disappointment in Ruto’s leadership.

Kakamega Senator Boni Khalwale, who appears to be slowly distancing himself from the coalition, recalled that as founders of the United Democratic Alliance (UDA), a member of Kenya Kwanza, they had held regional economic caucuses across the country, which informed the Kenya Kwanza manifesto, but the very alliance and party he had trusted has led down Kenyans by failing to tame the cost of living.

“I can confirm that Harambees—so-called empowerment drives—were not part of the manifesto,” Khalwale said. “The combined 2025/26 budget for the five Western counties stands at Sh60.3 billion: Kakamega at Sh18.2 billion, Bungoma at Sh15.6 billion, Trans Nzoia Sh9.3 billion, Busia Sh9.2 billion, and Vihiga Sh8 billion. Yet the visibility of development is minimal—an indictment of our governors.”

Interviews by The Standard with multiple leaders and KK insiders revealed widespread disillusionment, internal purges, mistrust, and an escalating struggle for dominance at every level of the coalition.

Political leaders and insiders point to an explosion of smear campaigns, growing whispers of betrayal, and succession politics rapidly taking shape in both the executive and Parliament. Leaders once united under a common banner are now openly clashing in public at all levels of government.

“The infighting is so intense that it forced the president to urge his allies to halt succession politics,” said a senior UDA official. “They’ve been instructed to focus on addressing the rebellion from Kenyans first or else they will lose everything.”

The disintegration has become official, where this year at various dates, several parties issued 30-day notices to exit the Kenya Kwanza coalition. Among them, the Democratic Party of Kenya, led by Justin Muturi, cited “unfavorable political shifts” in a letter signed by Chairman Esau Kioni and Secretary General Jacob Haji.

“Democratic Party of Kenya, via this letter, hereby gives a thirty (30) day notice to exit the Coalition as stipulated in the Termination Clause (8) of the Coalition Agreement,” the letter read.

Muturi’s break came after he publicly criticized the government, alleging that his son was abducted by unknown individuals in Nairobi in June 2024.

“I have personally suffered—my son was abducted, leaving my family in turmoil,” Muturi said. “I’ve received no answers as to why he was held incommunicado, with no explanation for the abduction.”

As internal turmoil ripples through Kenya Kwanza, Ruto’s policies are not only under siege from civil society, salaried people and churches but from within his own administration and allies in Parliament.

Oloo James, a boda boda rider, says that he voted for UDA knowing that Ruto would solve their problems, but it has turned out that he was solving their problems but life is becoming harder,” said Oloo, adding, “We will decide whom to vote for and leaders will no longer dictate to us what to do. That’s why we are singing “Ruto one!”

Due to an electorate that is rebelling against Kenya Kwanza, a wave of defections is sweeping through UDA, particularly in Mt. Kenya, Nairobi, and Western Kenya, with several MPs abandoning what they see as a sinking ship.

Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who helped Ruto ascend to power in 2022, has emerged as a rallying figure. Since his May 2025 departure from UDA following an impeachment, he has been leading efforts to form a new political outfit. His message is blunt: “Our goal is to make President William Ruto a one-term president.”

Gachagua has amassed support from core allies such as Nyandarua Senator John Methu and Murang’a Senator Joe Nyutu, with vocal backing from MPs including Mukurweini’s John Kaguchia and Embakasi North’s James Gakuya. Others, like Kipipiri MP Wanjiku Muhia and Kirinyaga Woman Rep Njeri Maina, also support his agenda.

Kiambu Senator Karungo wa Thang’wa and Naivasha MP Jane Kihara have stayed loyal despite mounting pressure, weakening Ruto’s support in Mount Kenya, where he enjoyed a strong following in the last polls.

Gachagua now claims that “the entire mountain which brought Ruto to power has moved away from UDA.”

In the Rift Valley, Interior CS Kipchumba Murkomen and Nandi Senator Samson Cherargei are openly at odds, however, the Standard learned that it is across all regions. Cherargei has called for Murkomen’s resignation over rising insecurity. Murkomen hit back: “Cherargei was my student. His performance was far below average.”

Undeterred, Cherargei insisted, “He must resign. We will not be intimidated in demanding justice, transparency, and accountability,” citing unresolved killings and growing violence.

Senator Khalwale has added fuel to the fire by denouncing Murkomen’s shoot-to-kill policy. “Police should serve Kenyans, not shoot them,” he said, accusing Ruto of betraying Western Kenya.

Khalwale, now aligned with the United Patriotic Movement (UPM), expressed deep frustration over stalled projects in the region—roads, Bukhungu Stadium, Kakamega Level Six Hospital, and the Kakamega Airstrip—all of which he claims Ruto publicly promised but has failed to deliver.

The discontent runs deep—not just in politics but in the civil service where security agencies are split, despite top officials projecting unity. Sources told The Standard that while the NIS and Inspector General Douglas Kanja back Murkomen, the DCI and Deputy IGs report to Head of Public Service Felix Koskei.

“HOPs doesn’t want to go into the next election cycle with Murkomen,” a senior official confided.

Caught in this turf war was ICT officer Albert Ojwang, whose death followed a leaked post, an interrogation, and what insiders whisper was a politically driven fallout.

“One faction leaked content to someone who passed it to Ojwang. He was killed after being beaten during interrogation,” a senior Interior official said.

Since his 2023 appointment as Chief of Staff and Head of Public Service, Felix Koskei has become one of the most powerful—and polarizing—figures in government. He coordinates ministries, disciplines Principal Secretaries, and even attempted to assume control of the national seal from the Attorney General.

Officially, Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi was tasked with coordinating government operations. But Koskei appears to have quietly taken over. Their rivalry became public when Railways House, recently refurbished for Mudavadi, was reassigned to Koskei’s office. Mudavadi was sent back to Treasury—seen by many as a demotion.

Analyst Javas Bigambo believes Koskei isn’t freelancing. “He’s doing what the president wants. Ruto is balancing competing interests—and thinking ahead to life after 2027.”

Observers argue that Mudavadi’s decision to fold ANC into UDA may have been a strategic misstep, while Moses Wetang’ula, who retained Ford Kenya, has emerged as a more stable power broker.

Complicating the political equation is Raila Odinga’s re-emergence—not as a rival, but as a quasi-partner, and sidelining Musalia at the top.

“If you look at Musalia and Raila, Raila is big. He comes with a party and numbers, something Musalia lacks,” Bigambo said.

Backed by the Ruto administration in his AU Commission chairmanship bid, Raila’s ODM is playing both sides: shielding the president while maintaining an opposition posture.

Yet not everyone in ODM is on board.

Nairobi Senator and ODM Secretary-General Edwin Sifuna criticized the administration over police brutality. “When someone says people can be shot in the legs—as if those aren’t fatal injuries—we’re in dangerous territory,” he said, referencing the 2024 shooting of protester Rex Masai.

Behind the scenes, a new coalition is quietly forming—built around Interior CS Kithure Kindiki’s allies in the Rift Valley and Mt Kenya, along with younger ODM MPs. Their aim: block Musalia Mudavadi from succeeding Ruto in 2032.

“Musalia is not happy and he is just watching from a distance. The coalition, the other day, was sponsoring bloggers to write that former president Uhuru Kenyatta has asked him to resign,” said a Western Kenya MP.

Mid this month, Western Kenya leaders led by National Assembly Moses Wetangula and, Cabinet Secretary for Cooperatives Wycliffe Oparanya, during an empowerment program, stressed the importance of the region's unity under one party, and having a presidential candidate in the coming polls.

Lugari MP Nabii Nabwera, who is the Secretary General of the Western MPs caucus, said they are going to ensure the region is united under one party and vote in direction.

"We are going to have one region, one vote, and one party to ensure that before the 2027 General Election, we are going to form our regional party so that we can unite and vote in one direction," said Nabwera.

Sirisia MP John Walukhe added: “We are asking Wetang’ula, Oparanya, and Musalia Mudavadi to sit down and agree on who among them will lead us to State House. If they don’t, we will mobilise the community to make that decision.”

Tensions are also rising within UDA with fears that top officials have secured nomination certificates for politically correct people in their party to lock out those who are not politically correct.

Chairperson and Embu Governor Cecily Mbarire was the first to raise alarm, claiming she’s being targeted for elimination by internal power blocs. “If there’s anyone who’s suffered for supporting this government, it’s me,” she said. Insiders point to Kindiki’s camp, long eyeing Mt Kenya East.

In Parliament, Speaker Moses Wetang’ula faces murmurs over his leadership. “He’s always by Ruto’s side these days,” one MP said. Wetang’ula recently defended the president, predicting he would serve a full term “just like Moi did.”

But observers say he’s quietly rebuilding Ford Kenya—and preparing for the post-Ruto era.

In the South Rift, Senate Majority Leader Aaron Cheruiyot is in a turf war with Emurua Dikirr MP Johana Ngeno. “There are many liars in politics. It reminds me of a book I once read—New Levels, New Devils,” said Cheruiyot, in a veiled jab at Ngeno.

Ngeno has accused leaders of ignoring insecurity in areas like Angata Barikoi. Belgut MP Nelson Koech dismissed the tension. “People want services, not sideshows,” he said.

At the Coast, UDA leaders are at odds with the administration. Malindi MP Aisha Jumwa has openly criticized a Sh2.3 billion housing project and a KMTC campus she claims were built on land grabbed from Malindi High School. She also questioned the transparency of funds used during empowerment drives led by CS Kindiki.

Nyali MP Mohamed Ali warned against police brutality and extrajudicial killings. “Security must never come at the cost of humanity,” he said, threatening to leave UDA after what he termed “botched grassroots elections.”

“The shoot-to-kill order issued by CS Murkomen is a chilling endorsement of extrajudicial killings,” Ali said. “We are a nation of laws—not executions.”